COP31 in Antalya: Why Is Türkiye Hosting and What Will Be on the Table?

Why It Matters

COP31 is the first UN climate summit to be hosted by Türkiye, a G20 economy that is still heavily dependent on fossil fuels and was the last G20 member to ratify the Paris Agreement. The way the summit was awarded, with Türkiye as host and Australia steering the negotiating process, is also unusual in the history of UN climate talks. How the arrangement works will shape both the credibility of the outcome and the debate over Türkiye's own climate record.

Background: How COP31 Ended Up in Antalya

COP31 went to Antalya because Türkiye and Australia both wanted to host and neither would withdraw, so a compromise was brokered around COP30 in Belém, Brazil, in November 2025. Understanding the deadlock requires a brief look at how hosts are chosen.

The rotation rule

Under UNFCCC practice, the COP presidency rotates among the five UN regional groups. For 2026 the turn belonged to the Western European and Others Group (WEOG). Türkiye is a member of that group for UN electoral purposes, as are Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United States and most of Western Europe. Hosts are chosen by consensus within the regional group, and then confirmed by the conference of the parties.

Two bids, one slot

Türkiye put forward Antalya, which has a large convention capacity from its Expo 2016 site and hosts the annual Antalya Diplomacy Forum. Australia put forward a bid in partnership with Pacific island states, whose communities are on the front line of sea-level rise. Because the group could not agree on a single candidate, the question stayed open until COP30.

The compromise

The outcome, as announced by the UNFCCC process and the governments concerned, was:

• Host and COP President: Türkiye. Antalya hosts the main conference, and a Turkish minister holds the COP31 presidency. Murat Kurum, Türkiye's Minister of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change, has been named in that role.
• President of Negotiations: Australia. Its climate and energy minister, Chris Bowen, leads the negotiating track, meaning the day-to-day work of reaching agreed texts.
• Pacific pre-COP: Australia and Pacific partners are expected to hold a pre-COP meeting in the Pacific region ahead of the main event, to put Pacific priorities on the agenda.

The split between a host presidency and a separate negotiations lead was described as a one-off arrangement. Exact responsibilities are set out in the UNFCCC's own documents and in host-country arrangements, which readers should check for updates as the date approaches.

Key Facts: Dates, Venue and Format

Dates and venue details can change, so the UNFCCC website is the authoritative reference.

What Will Be on the Table

The COP31 agenda follows from unfinished business in Belém and the review cycles of the Paris Agreement. The main themes expected are:

• National climate plans (NDCs). Countries are submitting updated plans for 2035, and the UNFCCC secretariat publishes assessments of whether their combined effect is consistent with the Paris goal of holding warming well below 2°C and pursuing 1.5°C.
• Finance. The 2024 Baku conference set a new collective finance goal for developing countries, and Belém continued work on how to scale up funding, including for adaptation. COP31 will test whether delivery matches the pledges.
• Adaptation. Work on the Global Goal on Adaptation and its indicators continues, a priority for Pacific states and other vulnerable countries.
• Transition away from fossil fuels. Since the first Global Stocktake at COP28 in Dubai, countries have been asked to contribute to transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems. How to turn that into concrete roadmaps remains contested.
• Carbon markets and implementation rules. Technical work under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement continues.

These are standing items, not a final agenda. The presidency's priorities and the formal agenda will be set closer to the conference.

Key Players and Positions

UNFCCC secretariat. It acts as the neutral organiser and records the decisions of the parties. It does not choose hosts; countries do, by consensus.

Türkiye (host). Officials present the summit as recognition of Türkiye's climate steps in recent years and as a chance to bring a Mediterranean and Eurasian perspective into the talks.

Australia. Its government says the negotiations role lets it act on Pacific concerns while leaving the logistics to Türkiye. Australia is a major coal and gas exporter, so its own record is also scrutinised by climate groups.

Pacific island states. They want adaptation finance, loss and damage funding and a visible Pacific presence in the process. The pre-COP arrangement responds in part to those demands.

Climate and environmental groups. Their views are mixed, and are covered in the criticism section below.

Türkiye's Climate Commitments

Türkiye's headline commitments are Paris ratification, a 2053 net-zero target and an updated 2030 pledge, all of which are set out in official documents.

• Paris Agreement: President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced at the UN General Assembly in September 2021 that Türkiye would ratify. The Grand National Assembly (TBMM) approved the agreement in October 2021, and it took effect for Türkiye the following month.
• Net zero by 2053: Announced in 2021 as a long-term goal, coinciding with the centenary of the Republic in 2023 and the following 30-year horizon.
• Updated NDC (2023): Türkiye raised its 2030 ambition, expressed as a reduction against a business-as-usual projection rather than against a past base year. This approach is one reason analysts find the pledge hard to compare with others.
• Climate Law (2025): The TBMM passed Türkiye's first framework Climate Law in 2025, which provides a legal basis for an emissions trading system and climate planning.
• Zero Waste initiative: Led by First Lady Emine Erdoğan, it has led to a UN General Assembly resolution establishing an International Day of Zero Waste.

Criticisms From Climate Groups and Analysts

Criticism centres on whether Türkiye's actions match its pledges, and on the structure of the hosting deal.

• Coal dependence. Climate Action Tracker, an independent analysis by Climate Analytics and NewClimate Institute, has rated Türkiye's overall climate action as 'critically insufficient' in the past. Energy think tanks such as Ember have documented coal's substantial share in Türkiye's electricity mix. Critics say a host should show a clearer coal phase-out timeline.
• Target design. Analysts note that the 2030 pledge is measured against a rising business-as-usual baseline, which can allow emissions to keep growing in absolute terms before peaking. Ankara's pledge points to a 2038 emissions peak, which critics see as late.
• Domestic environmental policy. Turkish environmental groups have criticised recent legislation affecting mining and land use, such as changes affecting olive groves, and have raised concerns about the space for protest and public participation.
• Split presidency. Some observers worry that dividing responsibility between Türkiye and Australia may blur accountability for the outcome. Others see it as a pragmatic way to avoid a stalemate.
• Australia's role. Pacific and civil-society voices have also pointed to Australia's fossil fuel exports when assessing its leadership of the negotiations.

These are the stated positions of the groups and analysts named, and not the view of this site.

Source Comparison: How Different Outlets Frame It

None of these framings is false; they emphasise different aspects. To see how we check claims about Türkiye in foreign coverage, read our Fact Check: Claims About Türkiye in International Media page, and for more on our approach see About WorldPoliticsDaily.

What a COP Actually Does

A COP brings together the parties to the UNFCCC (almost every country) to review implementation and negotiate decisions by consensus. It does not set legally binding national targets. Those come from each country's own plans, and COP decisions are political agreements. Alongside the negotiations, a COP hosts side events, pavilions and business announcements.

Perspective Note

WorldPoliticsDaily presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Written by the WPD Editorial Team.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

• Interstate Journal: COP31 in Antalya: Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy and the Zero Waste Initiative — COP31 Antalya Türkiye climate diplomacy explained: why Antalya, how the presidency is shared with Australia, net-zero 2053, and the Zero Waste initiative.
• Bloc Politics: COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: Zero Waste, Hosting Role and What to Expect — How COP31 in Antalya works, what Türkiye's climate diplomacy and Zero Waste initiative mean, and how the EU, Global South and Pacific frame the talks.
• Polity Review: COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: Zero Waste and the Road to Antalya — COP31 Türkiye climate diplomacy explained: the Antalya hosting arrangement, Zero Waste at the UN, energy corridors and critics' views, with sources.